Saudi Cleric Sheikh Mohamed Al-Arifi.

CAIRO: Following a fiery sermon by controversial Saudi Arabian cleric Sheikh Mohamed Al-Arifi on Friday June 14 at Amr Ibn El Aas mosque, thousands of Mulsim worshippers chanted against the murderous regime of Bashaar Al-Asad. The protest ended in a charity drive to support Syrian refugees in Egypt. (Photos by Hassan Ibrahim)

CAIRO – For over a week, a motley crew of writers, filmmakers, activists and anti-Muslim Brotherhood protesters have been occupying the Culture Ministry and the area surrounding it in Zamalek, barring the recently-appointed Minister Alaa Abdel Aziz from entry.

Their sit-in was triggered by the dismissal of five senior ministry officials last month, which protesters claim is part of a bigger “conspiracy” to “Brotherhoodize” the institution and change the face of Egyptian culture. Abdel Aziz denies the accusations and says that he is purging the ministry from corrupt officials and decades of mismanagement.

On Tuesday, supporters of the minister staged a counter protest across the street, which soon descended into chaos and violence. Brotherhood member Ahmed El-Mogheer was attacked by journalist Rasha Azab, according to a widely circulated photo of the incident. El-Mogheer claims she hit him with a slab of marble, leading to injuries in his head, face and chest.

The Kasr El-Nil prosecutor has summoned many of those involved in the scuffles for questioning. Three policemen were injured during the clashes. (All photos by Hassan Ibrahim)

Screen grab shows an Egyptian court on June 4 after announcing the conviction of 43 civil society organizations and 16 US employees in absentia of foreign funds.

BY NATASHA TYNES Washington, DC – It’s not easy being a convicted felon. The fact that if I ever step foot in Egypt, or visit any of the countries with which it has extradition treaties (a long list by the way), I might be shoved in prison for five years is daunting, to say the least.

What was my crime? Teaching Egyptian journalists and citizen journalists how to use social media as part of my job as a program director for the International Center for Journalists (ICFJ), a non-profit organisation (NGO) that focuses on media development around the world.

Most of my work was done remotely from my office in Washington, DC with a couple of visits to Egypt. Politics was never on our training agenda and “political destabilization” was never anything we preached.

I heard about the news of both my indictment and my conviction from Twitter, ironically the same tool that topped our training agenda in Egypt.

On both occasions, I was in the suburbs of DC and nowhere near Egypt. Contrary to what the Egyptian media reported, I never “fled” the county when the news of the indictment was first announced.

How this verdict will affect my future job opportunities is also something to worry about. Not only will my mobility be limited, but also my ability to provide for my two children.

I’m not the only one in this predicament. On 4 June, the Egyptian judiciary convicted 43 NGO workers, including Egyptian staff, and sentenced us to one to five years in prison for “working illegally” and “accepting foreign funding.” I, along with all the other “fugitives” who were tried in absentia, got the toughest sentence of five years.

The whole situation is beyond absurd. The sense of desperation and injustice is so overwhelming that it’s hard to focus on anything else.

Staying hopeful about a better post-Arab Spring era is understandably difficult. As an Arab-American, I have always thought I could be a bridge between two cultures, but this verdict came as a smack in the face and left me paralyzed. Sadly, at this stage of my life, I don’t see myself as a bridge but as a roadblock.

Putting aside the grand political implications, the sad fact of the matter is that the impact of this decision by the Egyptian judiciary system not only affects the 43 convicted individuals, but will also have a drastic effect on societal advancement in the country dubbed in Arabic “the mother of the world.”

How many “foreign” NGO workers will dare to visit Egypt now? Few, I would imagine. Only the risk-takers and the strong-hearted. Cultural isolation might be indeed in the future of the new Egypt.

Foreign NGO workers not only bring their skills and culture with them, but they often also embrace the culture of their hosts. It’s a symbiotic relationship that shouldn’t be jeopardized.

Stopping American NGOs from establishing a presence in Egypt deprives both countries of the exchange of skills and ideas, and also minimizes any efforts to break stereotypes and understand each other.

At present, there is nothing I can do to alleviate my predicament but vent, and while doing so I will try to raise awareness of this case that will impact more than just the 43 individuals involved.

I would like to call on the Egyptian judiciary system to reconsider its position regarding this case. Not because the verdict is unjust and will ruin the livelihood of scores of people, breaking up families of the Egyptians who were charged and chose to be in exile, but for the sake of a country that had always been seen as larger than life, a country that embraced everyone.

As for me, I hope that I won’t lose myself while trying to block this whole quandary out, and that I can continue to see myself as a bridge between these two cultures.

I hate to see myself turn into a suburban Arab-American who has lost hope in the region of my birth. I pray that regardless of this conviction, I can still somehow, and against all odds, remain positive about a better outcome of this life-altering experience.

Natasha Tynes is a Jordanian-American media professional based in Washington, DC. This article was written for the http://www.commongroundnews.org. It is published by The Egypt Monocle with permission.

A recent survey claims that a large majority of Arab youths, around 70%, say that they are most influenced by parents, family, and religion. (Photo by Hassan Ibrahim)

BY SAMI MAHROUM Paris  – In Democracy in America, Alexis de Tocqueville argued that the public’s trust alleviates pressure on the state, allowing it to function more effectively. This should give some comfort to governments in the Arab world, where a 2012 survey of young people showed 72% of the respondents expressing greater trust in their governments. But what, then, accounts for the continuing civil turmoil and government paralysis in the Arab-Spring countries?

A more recent version of the survey provides some clues. A large majority of Arab youths, around 70%, say that they are most influenced by parents, family, and religion, whereas only about a third report that elite groups – writers, business leaders, community leaders, and media outlets – have any influence on their outlook on life. Indeed, just 16% reported that pop stars influenced their outlook.

These figures provide some useful insights into the evolving social fabric of Arab societies. Normally, people are open to influence from those whom they trust and wish to emulate. The fact that a large majority of Arabs turns to family and religion is highly revealing.

Arab societies, particularly those in turmoil, are regressing to what another French social theorist, Émile Durkheim, called “mechanistic solidarity.” This is social solidarity that evolves along lines of kinship and religion, underpinned by a sense of belonging to the same “homogenous” group. Durkheim contrasts this phenomenon with the more progressive “organic solidarity” that evolves in modern societies according to people’s professional and functional relationships.

In times of elevated risk, real or perceived, people begin to organize increasingly on the basis of homogenous identities. As a result, “mechanistic solidarity” grows stronger at the expense of “organic solidarity.” The trend is often accelerated by the loss of jobs, which often leads people to abandon their professional and functional identities in favor of identities based on ethnicity, kinship, or religion.

In culturally diverse societies, such as Iraq and Lebanon, networks of social solidarity are based almost entirely on religious and ethnic affinity. In more homogenous societies, such as Libya, social solidarity tends to follow tribal and partisan lines. In Tunisia, too, there has been a similar regression to mechanistic types of solidarity organized around tribal, regional, and religious identities.

A dramatic manifestation of the mechanistic pattern of solidarity is now emerging in Syria, as well. While Syrians have been facing death, violence, and displacement for more than two years, the international community has been busy debating the nature of the Syrian rebels. Left to its fate, Syrian society began to disintegrate and reorganize on a sectarian basis. As the conflict intensified, established profession-based identities began to disappear, giving way to family, regional, and religious solidarities.

Civil-society and professional groups have been unable to respond in a way that maintains organic social cohesion, owing to a lack of resources, weak capacity, or both. Mechanistic solidarity has emerged as a more effective means to mobilize people and resources.

At the heart of the crisis is a strong element of indifference. For example, the role of the Arab middle class has been notably muted in efforts to support Syrian refugees. The American actress Angelina Jolie’s highly publicized visits to Syrian refugee camps in Jordan and Turkey underscored the near-absence of similar awareness campaigns by Arab celebrities.

Indeed, while millions of Arabs tune in weekly to watch and vote for their favorite singers on the Arabic version of The Voice and Arab Idol, a fund-raising campaign for the benefit of Syrian refugees has yet to be organized. By contrast, TV channels with specific religious and sectarian affiliations have been very active, including on social media, in fundraising efforts. It is perhaps not surprising, then, that most Arab youth do not see role models beyond their close social circles.

In short, Arab countries are hemorrhaging social capital, which can significantly derail economic recovery and state-building. As the Nobel laureate economist Kenneth Arrow argued in 1972, “much of the economic backwardness in the world can be explained by the lack of mutual confidence.”

Against this background, the recently announced Arab Stabilization Plan, an Arab-led private-sector initiative aimed at creating tens of thousands of jobs through large-scale infrastructure investment, is exactly the type of action needed to preserve social cohesion. International efforts, led by the World Bank and other international donors, have tended to focus on strengthening relations between the state and its citizens in order to achieve “Tocquevillian” gains – that is, operational democracy and effective government. But what is urgently needed is a strong complementary focus on job creation to preserve and foster Durkheim’s organic solidarity.

Sami Mahroum is Academic Director of Innovation and Policy at INSEAD. This commentary is published by The Egypt Monocle in collaboration with Project Syndicate (www.project-syndicate.org).

In a strongly-worded message to Addis Ababa President Morsi said that "all options are open" to protect Egypt's water supply.

BY LEYLA DOSS Cairo – In a fiery speech Monday night by Egypt’s President Mohamed Morsi capping  weeks of tension between Egypt and Ethiopia over the latter’s Renaissance Dam mega project, Morsi said that all options were open, implying that a military solution was on the table to defend Egypt’s water supply.

While Morsi stopped short of waging war, he sent a clear message to Egypt’s “neighbors” and to Ethiopia that Egyptians were ready to safeguard the country’s water security “with their blood”. Oscillating between dove and hawk, Morsi’s grandstanding was criticized as a tactic to thwart protests aiming to remove him planned for June 30.

In a recent interview published by state-owned Al-Ahram newspaper, Morsi said that Egypt has “keen interest” in maintaining friendly relations with Nile Basin countries, but emphasized that it would take measures to prevent losing “a single drop of water.”

Tensions escalated between both countries when hostile remarks by Egyptian politicians during a presidency-sponsored meeting to discuss the issue with representatives of several political parties were aired live on national television.

Ayman Nour, head of Ghad El-Thawra Party, for instance called for a military attack on Ethiopia, while Younis Makhyoun, head of the Salafi Al Nour Party, was caught on camera saying that Egypt should back rebels in Ethiopia or even destroy the dam.

Members of the opposition have had mixed responses, with Nasserist former presidential candidate Hamdeen Sabbahi, suggesting that Egypt punishes Ethiopia by barring its vessels from crossing the Suez Canal; while former liberal MP Amr Hamzawy, head of the Free Egypt Party, demanded negotiations and a serious political strategy to deal with the issue.

On the other hand, former head of the International Atomic Energy Agency Mohamed ElBaradei, also one of the leaders of the opposition National Salvation Front, called on President Morsi to apologize to Ethiopia and Sudan.

Unfounded Fears, say experts

Political outbidding aside, local and international experts claim that Egypt’s concerns regarding water and power shortages that may result from the construction of the Ethiopia dam are unfounded, and that the dam could in fact provide more resources for Egypt.

Ethiopia, a Nile Basin country, diverted the flow of the river last week in preparation for the construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, a $4.2 billion project on the Blue Nile, which started in 2011.

Egypt has demanded a halt in construction but to no avail since Ethiopia is pressing ahead with the project even as it continues to hold official talks with Egypt, which fears the dam could cause water and power shortages. Ethiopia claims it has reported evidence to claim otherwise.

Of the 84 billion cubic meters (BCM) of the Nile water, which reaches the Aswan High Dam annually, 68 percent comes from the Blue Nile.

A 10-man tripartite commission, composed of four international experts, two Egyptians, two Sudanese and two Ethiopians, has claimed that although “inconclusive”, the results from its year-long analysis of the project and inspection of the site show  that it will not significantly impact Egypt or Sudan.

Egypt shares 22 percent of the Nile River’s 3 million square kilometers of basin area with 10 other countries, including Sudan, South Sudan, Burundi, Ethiopia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda and Tanzania. It’s “historic rights” to Nile water control are guaranteed by two treaties – 1929 and 1959 – where the latter allocated 55.5 BCM, about 66 percent of the river water, to Egypt and gave it veto power over upstream irrigation or power work projects.

The 1959 treaty also allocated 18.5 BCM to Sudan, but there was no legal allocation of water resources to any of the other Nile Basin countries.

A Nile Basin Initiative (NBI) was created in 1999 to begin cooperation among Nile riparian countries, but its participants have failed to reach an agreement to date.

Tensions have been rising since 2007 when negotiations stalled, leading to the signing of a Cooperative Framework Agreement in 2010 by five upstream states to seek more Nile River water,  a move fiercely opposed by Egypt and Sudan.

Ethiopian authorities claim they have been forced into unilateral action, but Adel Nabhan, a political researcher, says that this is no justification, reflecting a popular opinion on the issue.

“Even if their demands are legitimate, this is in violation of international law,” says Nabhan. “A new agreement is needed, which would help us reach middle ground.”

Abel Teshome Woldeyes, a sustainable development activist based in Ethiopia, however, says that it is definitely a struggle amongst all Nile Basin countries to benefit from hydro power generation.

“The Ethiopian government is partly doing this to stimulate economic growth and reduce poverty,” he says.

Woldeyes says that upstream countries such as Ethiopia have been marginalized in the past, but should now engage in cooperative management and have a sustainable fair share of the river.

Egypt’s claim for greater Nile water access is also based on its vulnerability to water scarcity due to its high population, arid climate, limited fresh water resources and high evaporation rates.

It is predicted that by 2050, at the current rates of consumption, Egypt will be under extreme water stress since 95 percent of its population is living on the Nile basin, compared to 39 percent in Ethiopia.

With annual precipitation at 150 mm/year and few water resources, according to a government report released last February, Egypt’s per capita share of water is 660 cubic meters – well below the international standard of water poverty of 1,000 cubic meters – compared to Ethiopia, where the per capita share is about 1,575 cubic meters. Egypt has 24 cubic meters per capita access to renewable freshwater compared to Ethiopia, which stands at 1,543 cubic meters.

Despite these geological factors, local and international experts claim that all Nile Basin countries, including Egypt and Sudan, can benefit from the Renaissance Dam.

According to Lama El-Hatow, co-founder of the Water Institute of the Nile, a local think-tank, claims that cooperation could allow for more water access to Egypt, in exchange for a reduction in water abundance and flooding in upstream countries.

Mohammed Mohieddin, a former member of the Tripartite Commission on the Great Renaissance Dam, agrees.

“Egypt can ensure it is not negatively affected by the construction of the dam through dialogue and playing a concrete role in the construction of this dam,” says.

Resource Opportunities

In a bid to dispel myths about the dam’s potential to exacerbate water scarcity in Egypt, several hydrologists and environmentalists have said that the dam’s role as a hydro power plant limits its role to providing power and electricity, rather than storing water for large periods of time.

With a capacity of 63 BCM, the Renaissance Dam’s reservoir will be one of Africa’s largest.

El-Hatow says that this very mechanical design of hydroelectric power dams ensures that Ethiopia cannot hijack vast amounts of water and that the re-routing of the flow of Nile water does not affect the water that reaches Egypt.

“Due to my experience and research there, I can’t see Ethiopia capable of or willing to withhold water resources from Egypt,” says Jennifer Veilleux, a doctoral candidate in geography at Oregon State University, who has done extensive research on the dam. “The Renaissance Dam is not designed to hold back huge amounts of water, but rather to let the water pass for the generation of hydro-electricity.”

Mohammed El-Mongy, of the Water Institute of the Nile, claims that having legal and financial ownership rights in the dam could allow Egypt to reduce loss of water by 6 percent through ensuring water is released right before the peak agricultural season.

During his assessment of the Renaissance Dam, Islam Awad, a geotechnical consultant engineer at Dar El-Handasah, discovered that water losses from evaporation could be minimised by 5 percent, equivalent to 0.58 BCM, by storing water in Ethiopia for a period of time before it reaches Egypt.

Egypt’s arid climate causes 10 BCM, about 12 percent of its stored water, to evaporate per year.

Evaporation rates reach as high as 2,970 mm/year in Egypt, about half of what is lost in Ethiopia at a rate of 1,520 mm/year.

The result is that many of these upstream countries have excess water, while Egypt has a water deficit. Awad believes that the Renaissance Dam, could in fact tip this balance for the mutual benefit of both upstream and downstream countries.

Another possible benefit of the Renaissance Dam is its reduction of siltation, a process where soil erosion or sediment spill creates large particles that pollute water.

By acting as a barrier, the dam could reduce approximately 160 million tones of silt which flows in the Blue Nile every year, and therefore increases the Aswan Dam’s efficiency in power generation.

Hydrology and environmental experts also deny claims that the Ethiopian dam will decrease the energy capacity of the High Dam by reducing the volume of water needed to generate power.

Awad and El-Hatow both agree that the solution to this issue would be to release water from the dam over several years, rather than all at once.

Even in the worst-case scenario, studies show that the depth of Lake Nasser would reach 162-170 meters, which is well above the minimum water level range required to generate power from the High Dam of 156 meters, according to El-Hatow. The current average depth stands at 182 meters.

Aiming to be the largest hydroelectric power plant in Africa, the Renaissance Dam is slated to produce 6.3 gigawatts of power, of which three to four gigawatts are to be exported at cheap rates.

“As Egypt is facing increasing power shortages, the dam could provide Egypt with large amounts of electricity,” says El-Mongy. “We could provide them with other resources and investment benefits in return for cheaper electricity.”

Economic Opportunities

The Renaissance Dam could also have economic benefits if Egypt pursues economic integration with Nile Basin countries and become an investment partner in the project.

Egypt’s close proximity to Ethiopia, feasibility of transportation and demand for power, would create a favourable climate for cooperation with Ethiopia.

Only 40 percent of the project is locally funded, which means that Egypt could invest in the remaining  60 percent guaranteeing some ownership rights.

“Egypt can play a proactive role to economically integrate the 400 million inhabitants that live in the Nile Basin countries,” says Ana Cascao, Programme Manager at Stockholm International Water Institute (SIWI).

El-Mongy also says that together with Ethiopia and Sudan, Egypt can become a regional hub for electricity generation and export electricity to Europe.

Potential Risks

Other experts, however, say that the Renaissance Dam could pose some risks to Egypt, especially if there is a lack of cooperation or if the project is mismanaged.

Awad says there could be a possible environmental impact or reduced water availability in the short-term.

However, cooperation can minimize these risks by including a panel of local and international experts and authorities from all involved nations In the dam’s decision-making process.

As tensions are rising between Egypt and most of the Nile Basin countries, including Sudan, contribution to the Renaissance Dam project could provide regional opportunities for Egypt.

Historically, Egypt is seen by many of its African neighbors as being hegemonic and quasi-colonial in its water usage.

“Egypt is partly to blame because they have not been proactive and have allowed themselves to be cornered,” says Cascao.

Cascao believes that economic and political contribution to this project could be the start of a more cooperative and integrative relationship between Egypt and other African countries.

Having one of the most advanced irrigation expertise and technology amongst lower-income countries, Egypt can provide Ethiopia with technical know-how, infrastructure and resources, in return for greater access to water.

Ethiopians on the other hand see the dam as a symbol of national pride.

“This is significant for a country that feels it is viewed internationally as a donation-recipient and is known for famines,” says Veilleux. “Ethiopia wants a new identity and an influential role on the African continent. The Grand Renaissance Dam is helping improve people’s sense of national identity and pride at being Ethiopian.”

El-Mongy believes Egypt needs to negotiate, because Sudan is no longer a guaranteed ally.

“Sudan has improved economic relations with Ethiopia, and has also felt more marginalized by Egypt in recent years,” says Ali Askouri, Chairman of the Council of Merowe Dam Affect People in Sudan.

Many such as El-Mongy believe part of this greater cooperation includes raising public awareness about other Nile Basin countries, their cultures and their relationships with the Nile River.

“In many upstream countries, the Nile is viewed as a source of life,” says El-Mongy. “in Egypt, it is viewed in a more limiting mechanical way as a tool for irrigation.”

El-Mongy, El-Hatow and Veilleux all agree that cooperation is still possible and that it is not too late.

Askouri says Sudan could play the role of mediator. “Relations could improve if we create cross-border relationships and reform institutions to ensure better treatment of both Sudanese people in Egypt and Egyptian people in Sudan.”

“Ethiopia, Sudan and Egypt could collaborate to be a power generation hub in all of Africa,” says El-Mongy.

Egypt has taken steps towards cooperation recently, setting up National Council for Water Security last Wednesday to create a detailed strategy in dealing with the Nile crisis.

But with the rising tensions between all three nations, all parties are in dire need of serious negotiations.

“The Nile is an important life resource and flows as an ecosystem across 10 different countries,” say El-Mongy. “We need to begin to use a trans-boundary frame of mind, share our resources, exchange cultural knowledge and cooperate with one another. Egypt can no longer live as an isolated Island on this continent.”

]]> http://egyptmonocle.com/EMonocle/ethiopia-dam-fears-exaggerated-say-experts/feed/ 0 http://egyptmonocle.com/EMonocle/state-of-arab-women-lamented-at-women-deliver-2013/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=state-of-arab-women-lamented-at-women-deliver-2013 http://egyptmonocle.com/EMonocle/state-of-arab-women-lamented-at-women-deliver-2013/#comments Wed, 12 Jun 2013 05:16:04 +0000 The Egypt Monocle http://egyptmonocle.com/EMonocle/?p=1991

Women Deliver 2013 in Kuala Lumpur brought together 4,000 women from all over the world. (Photo courtesy Women Deliver Conference)

BY SAFAA ABDOUN Cairo – At a high-powered gathering of thousands of women in Kuala Lumpur, Shereen El Feki, writer, broadcaster, academic and expert on social change in the Arab world lambasted how marriage in the region has become an exercise in “conspicuous consumption.”

Author of “Sex and the Citadel”, El Feki said that sexual and reproductive health in the region was in “an abysmal state of ignorance”.

If you don’t get married, she said, you enter the realm of suspended adolescence, “no sex, most certainly no children and can’t move out from your parent’s house, especially if you’re a girl.”

El Feki spoke to an audience of more than 4,000 delegates from all over the world attending the third Women Deliver conference (May 28-30), which tackled a range of issues spanning the gamut from women’s rights to health and family planning. The need to invest in girls and women were among the prevalent themes in a gathering which included doctors, activists, lawyers and filmmakers.

Women Deliver is a global advocacy organization calling for action to improve the health and well-being of girls and women by working globally to generate political commitment and resource investments to improve maternal health and achieve universal access to reproductive health and rights.

Guests of honor included the Princess of Denmark, Princess of Norway, First Lady of Sierre Leone, Melinda Gates, Chelsea Clinton, Barbara Bush and Mandy Moore, among others.

“Investment in early childhood education pays huge dividends to the nation and the two prerequisites for wealth and growth is success in health and education,” said Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak.

Delegates from the Arab World and Egypt discussed the situation of women in light of the ongoing political turmoil.

Egyptian Mervat El-Tallawy, head of the National Council for Women, slammed the “anti-women wave in the country” during a panel titled “Strategizing for a Culture of Gender-Inclusive democracy in the Middle East and Northern Africa Region.”

“It’s a general move by the people not the government, which is frightening,” she said.

The gloomy economic conditions are curtailing women’s job opportunities, while the security situation prevents them from going out for work or school, she said. Furthermore, the value of education is minimized in the minds of the people, especially the new generation who find it more fashionable to drop everything and get married at a young age.

“Not very long ago women were competing at work and pursuing higher educational degrees, but now girls are fixated on getting married. It is no longer forced marriage, as it’s accepted by both the families and the girls,” explained Tallawy.

She pointed out that girls begin to feel inadequate when they find their friends and cousins getting married but they’re not.

“It will take lots of work to change mentalities,” she said.

However, speaking from experience in her own country, Iran’s former Minister of Women’s Affairs Mahnaz Afkhami, said that the problem isn’t in Islamist rule but in patriarchy and implementing patriarchy in the name of religion.

However, she emphasized the proactive role women must play, in the true sense of democracy, which is participation and rights.

“Culture is a product which women have a lot to do with as they are the creators, implementers and sustainers of culture,” she said, adding that if they focus on bringing up a generation that respects women’s rights then there will be change.

Regarding sexual and reproductive health, El Feki painted a drab picture of a region seeped in injustice.

According to studies, she said, “What exists is the 40/80 gap, where 40 percent of females surveyed said they’ve had sex, while 80 percent of males said they did … an indication of how society places a huge burden on the virginity of females while turning a blind eye to the man’s.”

Young people are sexually active but not sexually informed, she continued. For example, sexual and reproductive health in Egypt is confined to a single lesson at school and studies show that the young generation is not satisfied with the level of sex education they’re receiving.

“The Middle East is one of the only two places in the world where the number of HIV patients is rising as well as the number of deaths [from it]. Sexual and reproductive health must be on the governments’ agenda as fertility is rising and family planning resources have dried up,” she said, adding that “the closing down on sexual life is part of a larger closing down on political, economic and cultural life in the Arab World.”

On a revolutionary note, Egyptian-American columnist Mona Eltahawy emphasized how real change takes courage and people who refuse to be silenced, referring to the case of Egypt.

“The revolution travels with you [so] stand up to hate, [be] fierce in fighting hate, [be] fierce in fighting silence,” she said.

File photo of a polling station during last year's presidential elections. The SCC's ruling that army officers must be allowed to vote has stirred controversy.

BY MAI SHAMS EL-DIN Cairo – Egypt’s Supreme Constitutional Court (SCC) recently opined that the military and police have a constitutional right to vote, a ruling that sparked controversy over the possible politicization of both institutions already seen as having too much influence in politics.

The ruling came as part of the SCC’s assessment of a reviewed version of the elections law by the Shoura Council, drafted in line with Egypt’s long-running tradition that bars army and police soldiers, conscripts and members of the security from voting while in service.

The SCC deemed this part of the law as unconstitutional based on Article 55 which stipulates that participation in public life is a “national duty” and that every citizen has the right to vote, run for public office and vote in referendums as  regulated by the law.

The court reasoned that preventing police and army officers from voting is a flagrant violation of their citizenship rights.

The ruling also explains that Article 55 does not restrict the right to vote, but only gives the law the power to organize this right.

Legal experts have been comparing Article 55 to Article 62 of the 1971 constitution, which was the first step towards restricting the right to vote as it added the phrase “according to the provisions of the law” to the voting rights article.

The court ruling further deepens the split between the Brotherhood-dominated Shoura Council and the SCC, which has deemed all laws issue by the Council to date as unconstitutional.

The rift between the ruling Muslim Brotherhood group and the SCC began over a year ago when the latter dissolved the Brotherhood-dominated People’s Assembly in May after ruling that the elections law was unconstitutional.

The Muslim Brotherhood, along with other Islamist political forces that dominated the panel which issued the country’s new constitution, have tirelessly attempted  to curb the powers of the SCC, apparently to no avail.

Hassan Ibrahim, secretary general of the Brotherhood’s political arm, the Freedom and Justice Party (FJP), slammed the court ruling, considering it “a direct threat to Egypt’s national security, through supporting the police and military intervention in the electoral process”.

Ibrahim also described the SCC’s ruling as an attempt to stall elections for the House of Representatives.

“The army’s participation in the political process will create partisan biases inside the nationalist institution, and will transmit the political turmoil into the military institution,” he added.

Two army officers shared Ibrahim’s concerns.

“I always felt deprived of my right to vote, but now I’m completely against it,” a mid-ranking officer in the air force told The Egypt Monocle. He spoke on condition of anonymity because he is not authorized to speak to the press.

“Egypt is completely polarized and the army is the only institution immune from this. If we allow army members to vote, polarization will find its way within us,” he said.

The young officer also fears that the army will bear the brunt of the failure of Egypt’s political forces.

“The army will always be accused of being in favor of the winning political force even though the weight of our vote is insignificant. We should only be allowed to  vote after 15 years of well-established democracy run by civilians,” he said.

He believes that the army is “bigger than one vote in the ballot box”.

“Of course the army will play a major role in politics regardless of the voting because this is how the Egyptian state has been functioning since the Mohamed Ali era, but I think that the military needs to steer clear from the electoral process in specific,” he said.

A second officer shares his views, adding, however, that the voting issue is not on top of the army’s agenda.

“I don’t think that anyone in the army should be worried about this because we have other important issues to worry about,” he said. He disregarded fears of disintegration within the army ranks, emphasizing that the army will always remain united.

Yet, a member of an unofficial police officers syndicate, Major Ashraf El-Banna begs to differ.

“Police officers are not like the army. According to Egyptian laws, we are a civilian institution. When we violate the law, we are referred to civilian courts unlike the military. So why should we be dealt with like the military?” Banna asked.

He believes that police officers should be granted the right to vote, adding that it will not lead to the politicization of the institution.

“Mubarak was also blamed for militarizing the police, I think giving us the right to vote will enable the institution to demilitarize,” he added.

“We should be treated like any civil servants in any other ministry. If they are going to strip us of our rights, they have to strip other civil servants of their rights as well,” he said.

Banna has been working with other police officers to establish a syndicate, even though Egyptian laws prevent police officers from setting up syndicates.

“We are deprived of our right to vote and organize, and then they blame us for being militarized. We should not be treated like the military. We are civilians and this has to be reflected in reality,” he said.

The Workshops takes skills development to a whole new level, offering tailored trainings to match your needs. (Photo courtesy of The Workshops)

BY LEYLA DOSS Cairo – “Pursue your Passion,” reads a banner in bright rainbow colours as it welcomes guests into a small garden filled with luscious trees and cushioned wooden chairs.

The Workshop, a cultural center established last October in Cairo’s Maadi district, offers workshops and practical training to broaden your horizons.

“As a writer, I have always loved arts and culture, but constantly felt that there is an absence of high quality skills in Egypt,” says Rasha Abo El-Soud, one of the founders. “Many are taught to pursue financial stability over their interests.”

Abo El-Soud believes that The Workshops can bridge the gap between gaining skills and pursuing passions in a way that is both exciting and practical through a wide range of classes including sculpture, electronic media, time management and even guitar lessons.

Participants may also use the space to work as they sip coffee in the café or read their choice of novel from a wooden bookshelf.

“Instead of ending the workshop with a certificate, participants create a final product which encompasses all the skills and ideas they gained in a respective workshop,” says Sara Fawzi, an administrative assistant.

Many of the students end their classes by creating a large painting, writing a song, or even writing a short story to be published in a book.

The center also accepts requests for specific tailored workshops and attempts to accommodate such needs.

“Although our workshops have a very diverse clientele, we found that many of our participants are stay-at-home mothers who didn’t have the opportunity to gain skills that match their interests in the past,” says Fawzi.

She says that they often receive feedback from participants thanking them for helping them learn new skills in such a short time.

Abo El Soud says the workshops follow a participatory system, which “uses both theory and practice in a manner which is fun and exciting.”

“We avoid the one-way mode of communication that takes place in large lectures at the university level,” she adds.

In the creative writing class, for example, participants were taught proper English pronunciation through participatory class discussions, film screenings and reading books aloud.

In another workshop, participants create projects of their own and are taught artistic Arabic calligraphy designs.

Workshops range from a few days to up to three months, depending on the depth and intensity of the course.

The maximum number of participants per class is about 12, creating a more intimate and productive atmosphere between teachers and students, says Fawzi.

Their programs include weekly movie nights showing classic and Oscar-winning films from all over the world and summer science camp for secondary and elementary school children.

Abo El-Soud says the center has also held successful charity fund-raising events, such a book sale of hundreds of books donated for free.

The founders are currently working with several orphanages, such as the Hope Orphanage to teach young children photography. After the workshop, the children will hold their very own public gallery next month.

Although the courses are mostly taught in English, Abo El-Soud hopes to eventually provide workshops in Arabic. She also hopes to branch out to various parts of Cairo and eventually the region.

Screen grab shows army tanks deployed in Sinai to free seven soldiers who were kidnapped last week.

BY MAI SHAMS EL-DIN Cairo – The dramatic abduction and release of seven Egyptian soldiers in turbulent North Sinai last week ended with their “mysterious” release, but the flames of the media coverage of the week-long ordeal are still filling the air.

A wave of inaccurate news, attributions to unknown sources and contradictions characterized the media scene both in the daily talk shows and in print.

A conscript of the armed forces and six police personnel were kidnapped on May 16 by militants in response to the alleged torture by police of a Jihadist arrested in the summer of 2011, according to official media.

“The amount of misinformation in this case was indescribable,” North Sinai activist Mohamed Ahmed El-Bolok told The Egypt Monocle.

He accused journalists of misleading the public by spreading false information, driven only by their desire “to get the scoop”.

“The misreporting ranged from inaccurate details to ‘unnamed sources’ who usually leak false news, to presenting false stereotypes about the people of Sinai,” he said.

Talk show hosts even went as far as misnaming certain areas in Sinai like Kilo 21 district and Salah El-Din village, he says.

“There is no area in Sinai called Kilo 21. I don’t know where the journalists got this name; and Salah El-Din is not a village, it’s a street in Rafah City. When a well-known talk show host says that a whole village will be bombarded soon by the army to strike at the kidnappers, can you imagine the impact of such a rumor on Egyptian citizens, let alone Rafah residents?” he asked.

Misinformation also included spreading false information regarding a military operation to free the abducted soldiers, an operation that never took place.

Several media reports referred to an attack on Rafah City by military forces after which the military declared that one militant was killed.

A few hours later the Associated Press reported that the body of the alleged target belonged to a man who had drowned, and the convoy that the military fired at was simply his funeral.

“The forces encountered a funeral convoy of eight pickup trucks and when the vehicles refused orders to stop, the troops thought they were gunmen and opened fire, security officials said,” AP reported.

Although Egyptian authorities confirmed that the abductors belong to militant Jihadist movements, the Egyptian media continued to frame Sinai residents as traitors who harbor terrorists, El-Bolok complained.

“We’ve been suffering from this stereotype for decades. Sinai is only remembered on anniversaries of the 6th of October, or when catastrophes like this take place. We are completely forgotten the rest of the year,” he says.

The Dilemma of Information Access

But journalist Mohamed El-Bahrawy, who covered the kidnapping for the daily Al-Masry Al-Youm, believes that the problem springs from a serious lack of transparency from the Egyptian authorities.

El-Bahrawy asserted that the main sources of information to journalists in this incident were security sources, including police, army forces, general intelligence and military intelligence officers, as well as tribal leaders who acted as primary negotiators between the kidnappers and the army.

“The most accurate sources were the military intelligence, but their problem is that sometimes they would deliberately leak wrong information for their own security purposes,” he said.

El-Bahrawy added that unlike other incidents of terrorist attacks in Sinai, the kidnapping issue witnessed unprecedented level of lack of transparency from the authorities.

“Only some journalists who have friendly relations with security sources were able to get the news right,” he explained, adding that security personnel usually insist on remaining anonymous, which exacerbates the lack of credibility in the eyes of the public.

El-Bahrawy published a story on Friday, May 24 including a list of nine names of Jihadists allegedly involved in the kidnapping of the soldiers.

“A high profile security source in the North Sinai Security Directorate gave me a document including the names. The paper had the logo of the Ministry of Interior and its official stamp,” he said.

“After I published it, I discovered that three of the names had nothing to do with the incident. One of them actually called me and threatened to kill me,” he said.

El-Bahrawy said that the reasons why the security source leaked these names remains unknown.

“Security is not concerned with accuracy, nor do they care about public opinion and social well-being, let alone the lives of the journalists that can be easily jeopardized. All they care about is to serve their own security purposes,” he added.

He said that often, security personnel themselves are not considered primary sources of information.

Most of the security sources, especially the police, get their information from tribal leaders, as they are unwilling to interact directly with Sinai residents who are traditionally hostile towards Egyptian police forces, El-Bahrawy explained.

“So we are left with a serious information gap,” he said.

A Restrictive Freedom of Information Draft Law

Critics say Egyptian authorities are not taking any serious steps to ensure a transparent system that would allow journalists to have better access to information.

A group of Egyptian civil society organizations slammed a draft freedom of information law authored by the Ministry of Justice, deeming it restrictive and accusing it of placing more barriers to access to information.

In a statement released last week, several organizations said that the body which organizes the information disclosure system is controlled by the executive authority, as the members are directly appointed by the government, and lacks proper representation of civil society advocates.

“In addition, the chairman of this council is appointed by the president, which makes the whole public body under the control of the executive; hence it loses its autonomy,” the statement said.

Although the draft law grants the right to free access to information, it restricts this right through a “national security” clause as a legitimate justification for declining information requests.

“The bill has failed to give a precise definition of  what constitutes ‘national security’,” civil society advocates said in the statement. “The civil society organizations [CSOs] have emphasized the importance of defining this term to deter any arbitrariness in its application or interpretation which would lead to turning the exception into the rule.”

But El-Bolok says the issue is far more complicated.

“There is a serious issue with access to information, but journalists bear the burden as well. They know nothing about Sinai or its people. We need strong local media that can reflect the real image of our society,” he says.

Anti-GM seeds activists led by Bezoor Balady campaign and supported by Greenpeace, protested against Monsanto, a multinational agricultural biotechnology corporation which produces genetically-modified seeds. (Photo by Leyla Doss)

BY LEYLA DOSS Cairo – Dozens of Egyptians protested in Cairo and Alexandria on Saturday, in solidarity with a Global March in 436 cities worldwide, against Monsanto, a multinational agricultural biotechnology corporation which produces genetically-modified seeds.

The march comes on the heels of an advocacy stunt organised by the Bezoor Balady Campaign days before in front of the Ministry of Agriculture, and supported by environmental NGOs Nawaya, Greenpeace, Nabta and Nature Conservation Egypt (NCE).

Bezoor Balady promotes sustainable and organic farming using local seeds and crops. In previous action, the group fired local “seed bombs” in an urban initiative to make the city greener and eco-friendly.

Last week’s stunt saw the organisers place a large 2×10-meter banner on a billboard facing the Ministry of Agriculture. “GM Seeds are a crime against farmers and consumers,” it said.

On Saturday protesters demanded the suspension of all Monsanto-related activities in Egypt, including the import of Monsanto’s genetically modified seeds.

According to data from the African Center for Biosafety, in 2008 both Egypt and Burkina Faso became the second and third African countries to commercially cultivate GM crops.

In addition to genetically modified seeds, Monsanto also produces herbicides, pesticides and other chemicals.

In 2012 Monsanto sold $800 million worth of seeds, making it the world’s largest supplier of vegetable seeds by value. According to their website they sell “4,000 distinct seed varieties representing more than 20 species.”

“There is enough economic interest, locally and worldwide, for the genetically-modified organisms industry,” says Hoda Baraka from Greenpeace. “They are finding ways to penetrate the global food-chain system at all levels.”

In a bid to mock and protest Monsanto’s colossal worldwide power, one of the protesters dressed up as a monstrous dragon eating a cob of maize.

Protesters chanted: “The crops of our country are the solution, Monsanto means humiliation.”

Monsanto’s genetically modified seeds are able to withstand many external conditions.  One of the most common traits in Monsanto’s GM crops is a pest-resistant protein strain, such as the crystalline insecticidal protein from Bacillus thuringiensis, known as Bt.

Protesters claim that having exact clones of seeds and plants can create a dependent monoculture of crops, which become more vulnerable to weather, droughts and other external factors.

“Recently the land has become more arid and is being eroded by chemicals,” says Habib Ayeb, a researcher at the American University in Cairo. “We are losing biodiversity and nutrients such as grass, so bacterial and survival mechanisms are depleted.”

Genetically modified seeds are mostly in the maize, cotton and soya industries, but have traces in many other foods and even medicine, which can affect crop production and may have detrimental impact on human health.

“GM seeds infiltrate many products and are not limited to the cultivation and production process,” says Baraka. “Research suggests that traces of maize can even be found in a Snickers chocolate bar.”

Protesters also demanded greater transparency and regulation of the seeds industry in Egypt.

Although Egypt had signed the Convention of Biological Diversity, which demands environmentally sustainable practices, protesters claim it has not been implemented legally in Egypt.

In 2012 40 tonnes of Monsanto GM seeds were seized from ships on the way to Egypt. Under public pressure, the Ministry of Agriculture said genetically modified seeds would no longer be sold in Egypt.

“There is no real data, or track-record about GMOs in Egypt,” says Betty Khoury from Nawaya, a local non-for-profit agricultural NGO.

In a recent report, the African Center for Biosafety claimed that GM crops are still produced in Egypt, and that test trials are currently taking place on many organisms, including drought-tolerant wheat crops.

“We have became slaves of multinationals and the foreign governments that support them,” says Ahmed Salah, from the Popular Socialist Alliance. “With the current economic crisis, it has become clear that we need to be self-sufficient and produce our own crops and seeds.”

The production of genetically modified agricultural products has also impacted small farmers  producers.

Many farmers are forced to buy seeds from the Ministry of Agriculture. These seeds often require a specific type of chemical fertiliser and pesticide, which can be expensive.

“My family has worked on this land for generations, and it is only in the last few years that I have witnessed a dramatic change,” says Mohammed Farag, a farmer and member of the Egyptian Farmer’s Union.  “The land is arid and over-used and more crops are dying earlier.”

Members of environmental and agricultural NGOs at the protest also claimed that genetically modified seeds could be harmful to farmers’ economic independence.

“We want to raise awareness among farmers about their rights and more importantly, what alternatives they have,” says Hala Barakat, a researcher on the right to food at the Egyptian Initiative for Personal Rights (EIPR).

“It’s a monopoly which favors large multinationals, while small farmers suffer,” says Shahenda Maklad, a veteran activist and deputy head of the Egyptian Farmer’s Union.

The Bozoor Balady campaign stressed the existence of alternative  farming solutions, such as using local organic seeds.

“Local seeds are adapted to our environment,” says Khoury. “History has shown that plants and crops utilise natural systems of biodiversity to adapt to changing conditions.”

Khoury also claimed that farmers have been using sustainable survival mechanisms for centuries.

“Traditionally, farmers can adapt to changing conditions, by buying seeds and growing crops depending on surroundings and availability,” says Khoury. “Now, they are forced to adhere to government and corporate demands.”

Many farmers are also forced to turn to banks for large loans to pay for the seeds.

With scarce access to subsidised fertiliser, they are forced to pay fees as high as LE 200 per 50 kilogram from the black market.

“Many farmers end up in debt for most, if not all, of their entire life,” says Barakat.

With countries worldwide moving towards a total ban on the use and production of GMOs, Egyptian protesters are demanding similar legislation locally.

As of this year, eight European Union countries, including Poland, Germany and Greece, have banned the cultivation of GM crops.

According to US federal law, GM Organisms only need 90 days trial to be approved. “This amount of time is dramatically less than the legal approval for medicines, yet it ends up in traces in our crops, food and medicines,” says Khoury.

Barakat also stressed the importance of labelling all genetically modified foods and produce.

“We are no longer in control over what we grow and eat,” she says. “We are protesting here today to change that.”

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